Harry Reid’s America


Endangered Feces Act of 1973

Endangered Feces Act of 1973

SWAT teams, snipers, 200 federal agents converge on Nevada ranch to confiscate cattle that threaten a tortoise.

Harry Reid’s protegé leads the assault.

The federal government has shut down a scenic but windswept area about half the size of the state of Delaware to round up about 900 cattle it says are trespassing.

BLM and National Park Service officials didn’t immediately respond Wednesday to criticisms of the roundup that started Saturday and prompted the closure of the 1,200-square-mile area through May 12.

It’s seen by some as the latest battle over state and federal land rights in a state with deep roots in those disputes, including the Sagebrush Rebellion of the 1970s and ’80s. Nevada, where various federal agencies manage or control more than 80 percent of the land, is among several Western states where ranchers have challenged federal land ownership.

The current showdown pits rancher Cliven Bundy’s claims of ancestral rights to graze his cows on open range against federal claims that the cattle are trespassing on arid and fragile habitat of the endangered desert tortoise. Bundy has said he owns about 500 branded cattle on the range and claims the other 400 targeted for roundup are his, too.

BLM and Park Service officials see threats in Bundy’s promise to “do whatever it takes” to protect his property and in his characterization that the dispute constitutes a “range war.”

U.S. Rep. Steven Horsford, D-Las Vegas, noted that BLM officials were enforcing federal court orders that Bundy remove his animals. The legal battle has been waged for decades.

Kornze, the new BLM chief, is familiar with the area. He’s a natural resource manager who grew up in Elko, Nev., and served previously as a senior adviser to Senate Democratic Majority Leader Harry Reid.

Reid aide Kristen Orthman said her boss “hopes the trespassing cattle are rounded up safely so the issue can be resolved.”

Sandoval, a former state attorney general and federal district court judge, weighed in late Tuesday after several days of media coverage about blocked roads and armed federal agents fanning out around Bundy’s ranch while contractors using helicopters and vehicles herd cows into portable pens in rugged and remote areas.

“No cow justifies the atmosphere of intimidation which currently exists nor the limitation of constitutional rights that are sacred to all Nevadans,” the governor said in a statement.

Sandoval said he was most offended that armed federal officials have tried to corral people protesting the roundup into a fenced-in “First Amendment area” south of the resort city of Mesquite.

The site “tramples upon Nevadans’ fundamental rights under the U.S. Constitution” and should be dismantled, Sandoval said.

BLM spokeswoman Kirsten Cannon and Park Service spokeswoman Christie Vanover have told reporters during daily conference calls that free-speech areas were established so agents could ensure the safety of contractors, protesters, the rancher and his supporters.

The proper response to all of this: the destruction of the Northwest’s timber industry, the desertification of California’s agricultural land, and Nazis in Nevada is to repeal the Endangered Species Act and start over. Elimination of that law, particularly the metastasized  tumor it has grown into in the forty years since it was first enacted with such good intentions, would be cheered by most Americans. It would send the Birkenstock crowd into convulsions, but that’s a feature, not a bug.


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17 responses to “Harry Reid’s America

  1. AJ

    “Months before the heated contention between the Bureau of Land Management and Nevada cattle rancher Cliven Bundy, purportedly over protecting an endangered species of desert tortoise, the BLM was euthanizing the tortoises in droves.

    700 – 840 sick tortoises may be euthanized “because that’s the sensible thing to do.”

    On Saturday, the BLM, with the help of helicopters, low-flying aircraft and hired cowboys, began rounding up Bundy’s cattle, and forbade him from interfering with the operation, as Bundy announced he was prepared to weather a full-on assault.

    “My forefathers have been up and down the Virgin Valley ever since 1877. All these rights I claim have been created through pre-emptive rights and beneficial use of the forage and water. I have been here longer. My rights are before the BLM even existed,” Bundy said.

    The BLM says they’re moving in, not to encroach on the man’s property rights, but because Bundy didn’t pay “grazing fees,” which the Bureau has imposed on land developers “who disturb tortoise habitat on public land,” according to the Associated Press.

    Throughout the housing boom in the 2000s, the Bureau was earning enough to fund the Desert Tortoise Conservation Center (DTCC) in southern Las Vegas, a habitat “created in 1991 to house wild desert tortoises removed from the path of development and to use those tortoises to aid recovery of the species.” Its operating budget was about $1 million per year.

    But the recession that followed dwindled the number of developers, and in turn funds for the DTCC.

    So, facing the prospect of shutting their doors, the DTCC began releasing healthier turtles into the wild, and euthanizing some of the sick ones.

    From the AP, August 25, 2013:

    Back at the conservation center, a large refrigerator labeled “carcass freezer” hummed in the desert sun as scientists examined the facility’s 1,400 inhabitants …”


  2. TheWizard

    As the federal government is broke and would be in bankruptcy if it had to abide by the laws made for us, it should divest itself of all land it claims it owns and start paying its bills.

    • AJ

      “it should divest itself of all land it claims it owns and start paying its bills.” (?)

      You’ve got to be kidding: parasites need a body to feed off of. The case of Government subsidized vs. private enterprise:

      ‘Birth of Parasitical Elites in America’

      James J. Hill was a 19th-Century super value producer who pushed into a worldwide business dynamic. Just as Hill achieved great success in the American railroad industry and began spearheading an international expansion, he was snuffed out by a newly burgeoning parasitical-elite class in America. The story of James J. Hill is documented in the book “Entrepreneurs Versus The State” by Burton W. Folsom, Jr.

      Political Entrepreneurs Versus Market Entrepreneurs

      In that book, Folsom identifies how throughout history there have been two distinct types of entrepreneurs: political entrepreneurs and market entrepreneurs. Political entrepreneurs seek profits by working with the government to get subsidies, grants, and special privileges. They seek success through political pull. In contrast, market entrepreneurs seek success by producing increasingly improved values, products, and services at increasingly lower costs.

      The Transcontinental Railroads

      The building of America’s transcontinental railroads provided a dramatic example of political entrepreneurs versus market entrepreneurs. In the 1860s, railroads began expanding rapidly throughout America. Thus, political entrepreneurs seeking easy dollars teamed up with Congressmen seeking unearned power and glory. Those political entrepreneurs lobbied Congressmen for the federal government to subsidize the building of America’s first transcontinental railroad.

      That situation presented a perfect combination for the parasitical-elite class: White-collar-hoax political entrepreneurs could line their pockets with lavish government subsidies, and the Congressmen handing out those subsidies could garner self-glory and justify their jobs by proclaiming how beneficial they were to the American people by financing America’s first transcontinental railroad. Thus, a deception was woven by that parasitical-elite class through claiming only the government could finance an undertaking as large and expensive as building a transcontinental railroad. That same deception is still promoted in history books to this day.

      With great fanfare, enormous subsidies were granted to the Union Pacific and the California Pacific. The California Pacific started building track from the west coast, the Union Pacific from the east coast. Those companies were paid by the government according to how many miles of track each laid. Consequently, both companies built along the longest, most out-of-the-way routes they could justify. That way, each company collected the maximum dollars from the government.

      Spending public money they controlled but did not earn, the Congressmen were quick to claim credit for building America’s first transcontinental railroad. But, unlike market-entrepreneur businessmen spending their own money, those Congressmen were not about to exert the nitty-gritty effort required to insure good value was received for each dollar spent. Thus, the building of that government-financed transcontinental railroad turned into an orgy of fraud.

      As a result, after that first transcontinental railroad was built, subsequently called the Union Pacific, it had enormously high operating costs. Because extra-long routes had been purposely built, because time and research had not been taken to locate routes across the lowest-grade hills, each train took more time and fuel to complete its journey. More wages had to be paid; more equipment was tied up. In addition, because the railroad track had been laid so hastily, thousands of miles of shoddy track had to be pulled up and laid again before the first train could even travel over it. Thus, from the start, the Union Pacific could not make a profit. As a result, the federal government had to continue doling out taxpayer dollars just to enable the Union Pacific to operate after the line had been completed.

      Soon other political entrepreneurs ganged up with local politicians to demand federally subsidized transcontinental railroads be built in their areas of the country. Thus, the federal government financed a transcontinental railroad in the North, the Northern Pacific, and a transcontinental railroad in the South, the Santa Fe. The building of those two additional government-financed railroads followed the same course as the building of the Union Pacific. The lines were poorly constructed. The builders focused on obtaining maximum government subsidies, not on achieving economy and quality. Thus, after the Northern Pacific and Santa Fe transcontinentals were completed, they too had unnecessarily high operating costs. Both lost money from the start, and both had to continue receiving government subsidies just to operate.

      A Deception Is Woven

      A parasitical-elite class consisting of political entrepreneurs, job-justifying politicians, and government-subsidized university professors propagandize to this very day that only the federal government could have financed the building of America’s first transcontinental railroads. The story of James J. Hill is ignored.

      James J. Hill was a market entrepreneur, not a political entrepreneur. He was an integrated thinker and a forward-essence mover. Hill was born in a log cabin to a working class family in Ontario, Canada. He got a job with a local railroad when he was a teenager. He loved railroads and integrated his life with them. Hill moved up quickly. Soon he became involved in the building of local railroads. Then, in 1880, Hill decided to build a transcontinental railroad privately, without any government subsidies. He would call his line the Great Northern.

      Hill’s plan to build a transcontinental railroad at the very northern border of America was labelled “Hill’s folly.” Why? First of all, Hill was building a railroad way up north in unsettled wilderness. From where would his business come? Secondly, Hill would have to compete with three transcontinental railroads to the south: the Northern Pacific, the Union Pacific, and the Santa Fe. How could a private railroad be built without government help and then compete with three other railroads that had their expenses paid by the government?

      James J. Hill was forced to meet the disciplines of a bottom line. He had to stay within profitable red-to-black business dynamics. Thus, instead of “rushing to collect government subsidies”, he built his railroad one extension at a time, westward into the northern wilderness. Hill would build an extension westward a few hundred miles, then move in farmers from the East, free of charge, in order to settle the land along his railroad. Those farmers would then start using Hill’s railroad to ship their crops back East to market. Because Hill received no government money, each extension constructed westward would have to profit before another westward extension could be built. In ten years, Hill completed his transcontinental railroad, the Great Northern, without receiving one cent of government money.

      Hill had to build each extension with detailed planning to achieve maximum efficiency at minimum operating costs. Hill personally mapped out and built along the shortest, most direct routes. He also carefully surveyed land to find routes containing the lowest grades of hills over which to build. And, with Hill spending hard-earned private money, he insisted on the highest quality workmanship and materials.

      The three government-financed transcontinental railroads south of Hill’s Great Northern were in the heart of the country and none of them could earn a profit. But, what actually happened once Hill’s Great Northern reached the Pacific? All three government-financed transcontinentals went bankrupt and required ever more government bail-out money — taxpayer money — to continue running. In stark contrast, Hill’s railroad flourished from the very start. The Great Northern produced a profit, even during recession years.

      A Spiral of Inefficiencies

      Because the federal government continued subsidizing the money-losing, government-financed transcontinentals, each of those railroads had to obtain government approval to build any new extension. On the other hand, once the Great Northern was running, Hill built his railroad with extensions called feeder lines. For example, if coal was discovered a hundred miles to the north of Hill’s line, he built a feeder line to service that mine. If good trees were available for lumber on a nearby mountain, Hill would build a feeder line to that mountain so that a lumber company could move in and use his railroad to ship its lumber to market. If a suitable valley for cattle ranching existed a few miles to the south, Hill would build a feeder line to service that valley. Railroads discovered that feeder lines were crucial to their profitability. But whenever one of the government-subsidized railroads wanted to build a feeder line, it had to get approval from Congress since it was providing the financing.
      Well, everyone knows what happens when politicians become involved. A simple business decision would get hung up for months, even years, before receiving approval. Thus, the government-subsidized railroads could not operate effectively. They could not compete with Hill’s Great Northern railroad. What had initially been labelled “Hill’s folly” by the establishment ran circles around the government-subsidized, poorly managed railroads.

      Fraud Is Inherent in the Parasitical-Elite Class

      Over time, the corruption that laced the government-financed transcontinental railroads began unraveling. Unlike James J. Hill’s privately-financed transcontinental railroad, the managements of the government-financed transcontinental railroads were not operating by the disciplines of a bottom line. Thus, those white-collar-hoax political entrepreneurs did not exert the discipline required to closely supervise the construction of their railroads for quality and efficiency. The survival of those political entrepreneurs did not depend upon efficient management. Their survival, instead, depended upon exerting political pull. Consequently, the government-financed railroads were left wide open to fraud. Managers often formed their own supply companies selling substandard materials to their own railroads at inflated prices. Payoffs and sellouts were rampant.

      Over time, the fraudulent practices of the government-subsidized transcontinental railroads increasingly surfaced. The public became fed up with that corruption. Thus, glory-seeking politicians in Washington once again rushed in to grab attention and “serve the public”. A new deception was woven. Congressmen now claimed they were the defenders of the American people and would expose the corruption in the transcontinental railroads. Glory-seeking Congressmen began conducting investigations into the nation’s railroad business. Yet, in reality, those glory-seeking politicians were the root cause of that corruption.

      As the fraud continued between political entrepreneurs and job-justifying politicians, consider what James J. Hill, the market entrepreneur, was accomplishing. After completing his profitable transcontinental railroad, Hill promoted the building of entire new industries in the Northwest, such as lumber companies in Oregon, apple farms in Washington, mining industries in Montana, cattle ranches in the plains. Hill helped businesses move to the Northwest and gave them special rates to ship their products back East until those businesses became established. This practice quickly built up business along Hill’s railroad line. […]


      • AJ

        Then add the Banksters on top of that and you have the perfect recipe for total fraud:

        “Penn Central was the nation’s largest railroad with 96,000 employees and a payroll of $20 million a week. In 1970, it also became the nation’s biggest bankruptcy. It was deeply in debt to just about every bank that was willing to lend it money, and that list included Chase Manhattan, Morgan Guaranty, Manufacturers Hanover, First National City, Chemical Bank, and Continental Illinois. Officers of the largest of those banks had been appointed to Penn Central’s board of directors as a condition for obtaining funds, and they gradually had acquired control over the railroad’s management. The banks also held large blocks of Penn Central stock in their trust departments. The arrangement was convenient in many ways, not the least of which was that the bankers sitting on the board of directors were privy to information, long before the public received it, which would affect the market price of Penn Central’s stock. Chris Welles, in The Last Days of the Club, describes what happened:

        On May 21, a month before the railroad went under, David Bevan, Penn Central’s chief financial officer, privately informed representatives of the company’s banking creditors that its financial condition was so weak it would have to postpone an attempt to raise $100 million in desperately needed operating funds through a bond issue. Instead, said Bevan, the railroad would seek some kind of government loan guarantee. In other words, unless the railroad could manage a federal bailout, it would have to close down. The following day, Chase Manhattan’s trust department sold 134,300 shares of its Penn Central holdings. Before May 28, when the public was informed of the postponement of the bond issue, Chase sold another 128,000 shares. David Rockefeller, the bank’s chairman, vigorously denied Chase had acted on the basis of inside information.1

        More to the point of this study is the fact that virtually all of the major management decisions which led to Penn Central’s demise were made by or with the concurrence of its board of directors, which is to say, by the banks that provided the loans. In other words, the bankers were not in trouble because of Penn Central’s poor management, they were Penn Central’s poor management. An investigation conducted in 1972 by Congressman Wright Patman, Chairman of the House Banking and Currency Committee, revealed the following: The banks provided large loans for disastrous expansion and diversification projects. They loaned additional millions to the railroad so it could pay dividends to its stockholders. This created the false appearance of prosperity and artificially inflated the market price of its stock long enough to dump it on the unsuspecting public. Thus, the banker-managers were able to engineer a three-way bonanza for themselves. They (1) received dividends on essentially worthless stock, (2) earned interest on the loans which provided the money to pay those dividends, and (3) were able to unload 1.8 million shares of stock—after the dividends, of course—at unrealistically high prices.2 Reports from the Securities and Exchange Commission showed that the company’s top executives had disposed of their stock in this fashion at a personal savings of more than $1 million.

        Had the railroad been allowed to go into bankruptcy at that point and been forced to sell off its assets, the bankers still would have been protected. In any liquidation, debtors are paid off first, stockholders last; so the manipulators had dumped most of their stock while prices were relatively high. That is a common practice among corporate raiders who use borrowed funds to seize control of a company, bleed off its assets to other enterprises which they afco control, and then toss the debt-ridden, dying carcass upon the remaining stockholders or, in this case, the taxpayers.


        In his letter of transmittal accompanying the staff report, Congressman Patman provided this summary:

        It was as though everyone was a part of a close knit club in which Penn Central and its officers could obtain, with very few questions asked, loans for almost everything they desired both for the company and for their own personal interests, where the bankers sitting on the Board asked practically no questions as to what was going on, simply allowing management to destroy the company, to invest in questionable activities, and to engage in some cases in illegal activities. These banks in return obtained most of the company’s lucrative banking business. The attitude of everyone seemed to be, while the game was going on, that all these dealings were of benefit to every member of the club, and the railroad and the public be damned.

        The banking cartel, commonly called the Federal Reserve System, was created for exactly this kind of bailout. Arthur Burns, who was the Fed’s chairman, would have preferred to provide a direct infusion of newly created money, but that was contrary to the rules at that time. In his own words: “Everything fell through. We couldn’t lend it to them ourselves under the law…. I worked on this thing in other ways.””

        The company’s cash crisis came to a head over a weekend and, in order to avoid having the corporation forced to file for bank- ruptcy on Monday morning, Burns called the homes of the heads of the Federal Reserve banks around the country and told them to get the word out immediately that the System was anxious to help. On Sunday, William Treiber, who was the first vice-president of the New York branch of the Fed, contacted the chief executives of the ten largest banks in New York and told them that the Fed’s Discount Window would be wide open the next morning. Trans- lated, that means the Federal Reserve System was prepared to create money out of nothing and then immediately loan it to the commercial banks so they, in turn, could multiply and re-lend it to Penn Central and other corporations, such as Chrysler, which were in similar straits.1 Furthermore, the rates at which the Fed would make these funds available would be low enough to compensate for the risk, ^peaking of what transpired on the following Monday, Burns boasted: “I kept the Board in session practically all day to change regulation Q so that money could flow into CDs at the banks.” Looking back at the event, Chris Welles approvingly describes it as “what is by common consent the Fed’s finest hour.”

        Finest hour or not, the banks were not that interested in the proposition unless they could be assured the taxpayer would co-sign the loans and guarantee payment. So the action inevitably shifted back to Congress. Penn Central’s executives, bankers, and union representatives came in droves to explain how the railroad’s continued existence was in the best interest of the public, of the working man, of the economic system itself. The Navy Department spoke of protecting the nation’s “defense resources.” Congress, of course, could not callously ignore these pressing needs of the nation. It responded by ordering a retroactive, 13 A per cent pay raise for all union employees. After having added that burden to the railroad’s cash drain and putting it even deeper into the hole, it then passed the Emergency Rail Services Act of 1970 authorizing $125 million in federal loan guarantees.3

        None of this, of course, solved the basic problem, nor was it really intended to. Almost everyone knew that, eventually, the railroad would be “nationalized,” which is a euphemism for becoming a black hole into which tax dollars disappear. This came to pass with the creation of AMTRAK in 1971 and CONRAIL in 1973. AMTRAK took over the passenger services of Penn Central, and CONRAIL assumed operation of its freight services, along with five other Eastern railroads. CONRAIL technically is a private corporation. When it was created, however, 85% of its stock was held by the government. The remainder was held by employees. Fortunately, the government’s stock was sold in a public offering in 1987. AMTRAK continues under political control and operates at a loss. It is sustained by government subsidies—which is to say by taxpayers. In 1997, Congress dutifully gave it another $5.7 billion and, by 1998, liabilities exceeded assets by an estimated $14 billion. CONRAIL, on the other hand, since it was returned to the private sector, has experienced an impressive turnaround and has been running at a profit—paying taxes instead of consuming them.”

        1. Chris Welles, The Last Days of the Club (New York: E.P. Dutton, 1975), pp. 398-99.
        2. “Penn Central,” 1977 Congressional Quarterly Almanac (Washington, D.C.: Con- gressional Quarterly, 1971), p. 838.

        1 “Perm Central: Bankruptcy Filed After Loan Bill Fails,” 1970 Congressional Quarterly Almanac (Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly, 1970), p. 811.
        2- Quoted by Welles, pp. 404-05.
        3- Quoted by Welles, p. 407.

        1. For an explanation of the multiplier effect, see chapter eight, The Mandrake Mechanism.
        2. Welles, pp. 407-08.
        3. “Congress Clears Railroad Aid Bill, Acts on Strike,” 1970 Congressional Almanac (Washington, D.C.: 1970), pp. 810-16.

        Source: “THE CREATURE FROM JEKYLL ISLAND A Second Look at the Federal Reserve” Third edition by G. Edward Griffin

  3. Just_looking

    Emailed this to you on Monday. Thought you might be interested in this story.

  4. Population of tortoises there has been stable since study started.
    Pre hamburgers have had no bad effect.

  5. Anonymous

    The Fedgov Stormtroopers taser unarmed protesters, have their K-9 units attack a pregnant woman, hit protesters with government vehicles, and beat up a 57 year old mother and cancer patient. Then there is the illegal assault upon the First Amendment.

    In the statist tradition of government murder, Ruby Ridge, Waco, Mao, Stalin, Hitler, and now Obama/Holder National Socialist thugs.

    No more free Wacos.

  6. Anonymous

    What if the Fedgov nasties instead of rounding up American cattle started rounding up illegals. A roundup and deportation of illegal felons would be a good start.

  7. Anonymous

    Dis is gonna get ugly

  8. Anonymous

    BLM southern Nevada employee directory:

    Contact info: for the Center for Biological Diversity whackos:
    Rob Mrowka 702.249.5821, rmrowka@biologicaldiversity.org
    Terri Robertson 702-459-7613 trober9567@aol.com of Friends of Sloan Canyon

    The cattle rustling whores, doing the fedgov’s illegal dirty work:
    Cattoor Livestock Roundup Inc
    475 S 200 W
    Nephi, UT 84648 –
    Phone: (435) 623-2415
    email: clr@wildhorseroundups.com

  9. flyingtigercomics

    Reblogged this on Flying Tiger Comics and commented:
    The WarAgainst The Kulaks

  10. patriot

    All the government personnel in this video should be shot.

  11. Anonymous

    Unbelievable. Like watching Nazi thugs from WW2. Harry Reis and his rat son, Rory Reid, should now be tried for TREASON. Hits crisis is the result of their dirty, underhanded graft. Also, the thugs working for him at the BLM should also go to Federal prison for attacking citizens that were honestly, AND PEACEFULLY, protesting.
    The Criminals have taken over Nevada, and WE ARE PAYING FOR THEM. Send this operation’s bills ALL TO Weasel Reid to pay. BLM = BUSINESS of LAME MANAGEMENT.